TY - JOUR
T1 - Won't get fooled again
T2 - An event-related potential study of task and repetition effects on the semantic processing of items without semantics
AU - Laszlo, Sarah
AU - Stites, Mallory
AU - Federmeier, Kara D.
N1 - Funding Information:
Correspondence should be addressed to Sarah Laszlo, 1438 Beckman Institute, University of Illinois, 405 N. Mathews Avenue, Urbana-Champaign, IL 61801, USA. E-mail: cogneuro@alum.mit.edu The authors would like to acknowledge D. Plaut and E. Wlotko for insightful discussion, and S. Glazer, B. Milligan, and A. Rusthoven for their assistance with data collection. This research was supported by NIH Training Grants T32 MH019983 and T32 HD055272, NICHD F32 HD062043, NIA AG2630, and the James S. McDonnell Foundation 21st Century Science Initiative, Scholar Award in Understanding Human Cognition.
PY - 2012/2
Y1 - 2012/2
N2 - A growing body of evidence suggests that semantic access is obligatory. Several studies have demonstrated that brain activity associated with semantic processing, measured in the N400 component of the event-related brain potential (ERP), is elicited even by meaningless, orthographically illegal strings, suggesting that semantic access is not gated by lexicality. However, the downstream consequences of that activity vary by item type, exemplified by the typical finding that N400 activity is reduced by repetition for words and pronounceable nonwords but not for illegal strings. We propose that this lack of repetition effect for illegal strings is caused not by lack of contact with semantics, but by the unrefined nature of that contact under conditions in which illegal strings can be readily categorised as task-irrelevant. To test this, we collected ERPs from participants performing a modified Lexical Decision Task, in which the presence of orthographically illegal acronyms rendered meaningless illegal strings more difficult lures than normal. Confirming our hypothesis, under these conditions illegal strings elicited robust N400 repetition effects, quantitatively and qualitatively similar to those elicited by words, pseudowords, and acronyms.
AB - A growing body of evidence suggests that semantic access is obligatory. Several studies have demonstrated that brain activity associated with semantic processing, measured in the N400 component of the event-related brain potential (ERP), is elicited even by meaningless, orthographically illegal strings, suggesting that semantic access is not gated by lexicality. However, the downstream consequences of that activity vary by item type, exemplified by the typical finding that N400 activity is reduced by repetition for words and pronounceable nonwords but not for illegal strings. We propose that this lack of repetition effect for illegal strings is caused not by lack of contact with semantics, but by the unrefined nature of that contact under conditions in which illegal strings can be readily categorised as task-irrelevant. To test this, we collected ERPs from participants performing a modified Lexical Decision Task, in which the presence of orthographically illegal acronyms rendered meaningless illegal strings more difficult lures than normal. Confirming our hypothesis, under these conditions illegal strings elicited robust N400 repetition effects, quantitatively and qualitatively similar to those elicited by words, pseudowords, and acronyms.
KW - ERPs
KW - Lexical decision
KW - N400
KW - Semantic access
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U2 - 10.1080/01690965.2011.606667
DO - 10.1080/01690965.2011.606667
M3 - Article
C2 - 22518068
AN - SCOPUS:84856845794
SN - 2327-3798
VL - 27
SP - 257
EP - 274
JO - Language, Cognition and Neuroscience
JF - Language, Cognition and Neuroscience
IS - 2
ER -