TY - JOUR
T1 - Do the benefits of homeownership on mental health vary by race and poverty status? An application of doubly robust estimation for causal inference
AU - Chen, Jun Hong
AU - Jones, Dylan
AU - Lee, Jihye
AU - Yan, Yufu
AU - Hsieh, Wan Jung
AU - Huang, Chieh Hsun
AU - Yang, Yuanyuan
AU - Wu, Chi Fang
AU - Jonson-Reid, Melissa
AU - Drake, Brett
N1 - Covariates. Household income is measured by the ratio of household income to the US official poverty line, accounting for variability in the number of family members. To enable policy implications that support those living in or near poverty, poverty is categorized based on whether household income is higher than 125% of the US official poverty threshold, an index of determining eligibility for social benefits in the US (Springstead et al., 2014). Household wealth sufficiency is a binary variable (sufficient or not). Following definitions pioneered by Caner and Wolff (2004) and Haveman and Wolff (2004), households are defined as wealth insufficiency if their wealth is insufficient for meeting needs for a period of three months, which also can be described as wealth below one quarter of the official poverty line. Based on data set availability, household wealth includes savings and other assets (e.g., farm or business, bonds, stocks, vehicles) minus all debts. Other covariates reflecting one's demographic characteristic included age (<25; 25\u201334; 35\u201344; 45\u201354; 55\u201364; 65+), gender (female or male), family structures (with or without spouse & with or without children), educational attainment (years), employment status (employed or not), number of people living in the same house, number of rooms, and living place (metro areas or not). To avoid the empty cell effect resulting from insufficient sample size in a category of a variable, age was folded into four categories (<35; 35\u201344; 45\u201354; 55+). Baseline psychological distress is a continuous variable measured by the 2017 PSID using the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale.Disentangling the interplay of racial and economic disparities in the impacts of homeownership on mental health likely requires multiple interventions (Swope and Hern\u00E1ndez, 2019). There are a variety of options to support homeownership for lower income populations. For example, Federal Housing Administration (FHA) Loans aim to help people get access to mortgages essential to obtain homeownership. However, borrowers need to pay a Mortgage Insurance Premium (MIP) as a prerequisite to get FHA loans. Such a MIP payment may force borrowers to purchase a cheaper house that compromises residential qualities. Also, while FHA loans have more flexible credit requirements than conventional loans (Park, 2020), borrowers still need to meet certain credit and income criteria. Therefore, for those facing barriers to a stable and sufficient income, FHA loans are not of sufficient benefit (Van Order and Yezer, 2014). Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac (FMFM) loans sponsored by the government are able to address issues related to not having sufficient assets for a down payment. However, FMFM loans still require borrowers to provide documentation showing one's history of income and employment record. Also, as FMFM loans are traditional loans with high interest rates, this may offset the initial assistance with down payment. Similar to FHA loans, FMFM loans also require credit scores, which could be a challenging for socioeconomically vulnerable populations as these require history of purchases and paying off purchases (Acharya et al., 2011). In alignment with Green (2013), we suggest government reforms are needed to combine efforts to reduce initial barriers to applying for home loans as well as make the downstream payments and maintenance more manageable.
PY - 2024/6
Y1 - 2024/6
N2 - While empirical studies have observed that homeownership is associated with improved mental health conditions, research indicates that this relationship might vary by race. Moreover, such a White-Black disparity in the impacts of homeownership on mental health could be complexed by poverty status, as maintaining one's homeownership could be a financial burden for people living in poverty status, defined by the US official poverty threshold. We add to the existing literature by analyzing the impacts of homeownership on psychological distress, simultaneously disaggregating by race and poverty status using survey data from the Panel Study on Income Dynamics from the 2017 and 2019 waves (N = 7059). Propensity score weighting and doubly robust estimation are applied to estimate causal inference for the impact of 2017 homeownership on 2019 psychological distress using negative binomial models. First, we found the impacts of homeownership on reducing psychological distress are significant for White Americans, not for Black Americans. Second, we found such a White-Black disparity is only observable for populations not living in poverty. On the other hand, for populations living in poverty, homeownership no longer lowers psychological distress for either race. Findings suggest that financial support and mental health support are needy to address inequality in the impacts of homeownership on mental health, which could simultaneously vary by poverty status and race. Implications are discussed.
AB - While empirical studies have observed that homeownership is associated with improved mental health conditions, research indicates that this relationship might vary by race. Moreover, such a White-Black disparity in the impacts of homeownership on mental health could be complexed by poverty status, as maintaining one's homeownership could be a financial burden for people living in poverty status, defined by the US official poverty threshold. We add to the existing literature by analyzing the impacts of homeownership on psychological distress, simultaneously disaggregating by race and poverty status using survey data from the Panel Study on Income Dynamics from the 2017 and 2019 waves (N = 7059). Propensity score weighting and doubly robust estimation are applied to estimate causal inference for the impact of 2017 homeownership on 2019 psychological distress using negative binomial models. First, we found the impacts of homeownership on reducing psychological distress are significant for White Americans, not for Black Americans. Second, we found such a White-Black disparity is only observable for populations not living in poverty. On the other hand, for populations living in poverty, homeownership no longer lowers psychological distress for either race. Findings suggest that financial support and mental health support are needy to address inequality in the impacts of homeownership on mental health, which could simultaneously vary by poverty status and race. Implications are discussed.
KW - Causal inference
KW - Doubly robust estimation
KW - Homeownership
KW - Mental health
KW - Poverty status
KW - Propensity score weighting
KW - Psychological distress
KW - Race disparities
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U2 - 10.1016/j.socscimed.2024.116958
DO - 10.1016/j.socscimed.2024.116958
M3 - Article
C2 - 38759384
AN - SCOPUS:85192941221
SN - 0277-9536
VL - 351
JO - Social Science and Medicine
JF - Social Science and Medicine
M1 - 116958
ER -