TY - JOUR
T1 - Articulatory compensation for nasality
T2 - An EMA study of lingual position during nasalized vowels
AU - Carignan, Christopher
AU - Shosted, Ryan
AU - Shih, Chilin
AU - Rong, Panying
N1 - Funding Information:
This research was partially supported by Illinois Research Board Grant 08057 to the second author. We gratefully acknowledge Ronald Sprouse who wrote the Matlab functions behind the aerodynamic acquisition interface and generously answered questions relating to the aerodynamic signal acquisition hardware. This research has been presented on a number of occasions and we are grateful to the many audience members who have presented us with suggestions and challenges along the way. These include Heriberto Avelino, Jennifer Cole, Didier Demolin, Mark Hasegawa-Johnson, Hans Hock, José Hualde, John Kingston, David Kuehn, Torrey Loucks, Ian Maddieson, Pascal Perrier, and Janet Pierrehumbert. We are particularly grateful to D. H. Whalen, Véronique Delvaux, and three anonymous reviewers for their insightful commentary on the paper during review. Any remaining mistakes and omissions are entirely our own responsibility.
PY - 2011/10
Y1 - 2011/10
N2 - In acoustic studies of vowel nasalization, it is sometimes assumed that the primary articulatory difference between an oral vowel and a nasal vowel is the coupling of the nasal cavity to the rest of the vocal tract. Acoustic modulations observed in nasal vowels are customarily attributed to the presence of additional poles affiliated with the naso-pharyngeal tract and zeros affiliated with the nasal cavity. We test the hypothesis that oral configuration may also change during nasalized vowels, either enhancing or compensating for the acoustic modulations associated with nasality. We analyze tongue position, nasal airflow, and acoustic data to determine whether American English /i/ and /a/ manifest different oral configurations when they are nasalized, i.e. when they are followed by nasal consonants. We find that tongue position is higher during nasalized [ĩ] than it is during oral [i] but do not find any effect for nasalized [ã]. We argue that speakers of American English raise the tongue body during nasalized [ĩ] in order to counteract the perceived F1-raising (centralization) associated with high vowel nasalization.
AB - In acoustic studies of vowel nasalization, it is sometimes assumed that the primary articulatory difference between an oral vowel and a nasal vowel is the coupling of the nasal cavity to the rest of the vocal tract. Acoustic modulations observed in nasal vowels are customarily attributed to the presence of additional poles affiliated with the naso-pharyngeal tract and zeros affiliated with the nasal cavity. We test the hypothesis that oral configuration may also change during nasalized vowels, either enhancing or compensating for the acoustic modulations associated with nasality. We analyze tongue position, nasal airflow, and acoustic data to determine whether American English /i/ and /a/ manifest different oral configurations when they are nasalized, i.e. when they are followed by nasal consonants. We find that tongue position is higher during nasalized [ĩ] than it is during oral [i] but do not find any effect for nasalized [ã]. We argue that speakers of American English raise the tongue body during nasalized [ĩ] in order to counteract the perceived F1-raising (centralization) associated with high vowel nasalization.
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U2 - 10.1016/j.wocn.2011.07.005
DO - 10.1016/j.wocn.2011.07.005
M3 - Article
AN - SCOPUS:80053997221
SN - 0095-4470
VL - 39
SP - 668
EP - 682
JO - Journal of Phonetics
JF - Journal of Phonetics
IS - 4
ER -